The Tories have pledged to cut it to below 100,000 a year, from about 250,000 a year currently. Balancing that, our credit rating just got upgraded, which should provide a longer-term boost to GDP.įinally, I get a chance to look at immigration. That’s going to cause a big hit to GDP, my core constituency, and to my attempt to maintain the “strong and stable image. More terrifying, the trade unions call a general strike, presumably because one of my policies has just bumped poverty over a threshold. A major donor abandons the party, which is worrying for the next election. I decide to strengthen stop-and-search powers and limit debt collection agency activity, which is becoming a menace to the poorest – both in line with May’s rhetoric. While I’m implementing all these policies (which takes time in the game, to represent the slow grind of parliamentary democracy), a couple of hot-topic questions come up. Again, the promise to put an extra $4bn into schools (into a budget of roughly £85bn) doesn’t have to be carried out until 2022, which means we can completely ignore it for this parliament. I generally represent this and the increased focus on means-testing pensions by dropping the funding for state pensions. The biggest of the various changes to care for the elderly – the scrapping of the triple lock – won’t even start until 2020, so we can mostly ignore that. We slightly raise the NHS budget, though £8bn by 2020 is a drop in the ocean compared to the roughly £130bn we already spend. So we quickly implement the Conservative flagship policies. Or after a disastrous exit from the world’s biggest trade partnership. That means she can cut spending in the early years and raise it later, toreduce the deficit temporarily then splurge before an election.
May doubles down on this by having very few costed pledges in her manifesto and no apparent timeline for implementing them. Events and Offers Sign up to receive information regarding NS events, subscription offers & product updates. Ideas and Letters A newsletter showcasing the finest writing from the ideas section and the NS archive, covering political ideas, philosophy, criticism and intellectual history - sent every Wednesday.
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The Crash A weekly newsletter helping you fit together the pieces of the global economic slowdown. Sign up for The New Statesman’s newsletters Tick the boxes of the newsletters you would like to receive. ( You can read more about the game, how we implement policies and our own biases here.) It doesn’t model the electoral system, it doesn’t allow for coalitions, and it doesn’t have any obvious biases. It does that through a visually complex interface reflecting an underlying neural network, which models the effects of a change in every single variable on every other.
#Democracy 3 settings software
The software we use is a game called Democracy 3 and it simulates one thing: the multitudinous effect of your policies when in government. Our simulation is mainly for fun, though it does at least test whether a policy can be implemented at all. That’s for braver souls than us, souls who use reams of historical data and complex mathematical technology, and spend weeks sweating over statistical anomalies, only to be horribly surprised like the rest of us when a costume monkey gets elected.
#Democracy 3 settings series
But what would happen if our newly elected leader actually carried out their entire manifesto? What would the country look like? That’s what our “simulection” series tries to show.Īs with the 20 elections, we’re not going to simulate the election process. It’s a sad state of affairs that no one expects the parties actually to do everything they promise.
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